The Springtime of Youth: How Haruki Murakami’s Norwegian Wood Depicts Shifting Norms in Young Men and Women During 1960s Japan, and How These Changes Are Paralleled in American Society and Culture
Michael Bewley, University of Florida
While the issues of identity and self-expression that the coming-of-age genre has become widely known for have become somewhat exhausted, Haruki Murakami’s Norweigan Wood offers a uniquely Japanese take on the genre, giving a closer look at the adversities men and women face in Japanese society, as well as detailing the emerging changes that occur as a result of them. These causes can also be seen as a parallel to the ones found in American society, and attempt to serve as a universal truth as to why and how young people fight against establishment throughout history. Murakami accomplishes this mainly by displaying the normal paths that both men and women are expected to adhere to in Japanese society, and showing various examples of people and places that either stick to these norms or go against them entirely.
In the novel, there is a student strike going on at the unnamed university (based on Waseda University) that Toru, the main character of the novel, attends. Though never addressed by name, it is very clear given the time period that the group protesting the university are supposed to be the Zengakuren, a group of predominantly marxist-leftist students that organized protests against several universities in Japan in the 1960s. These students argued that the universities were in desperate need of reform due to them becoming too institutionally homogenized. They also felt that tuition fees had become too high and made higher education inaccessible to the poor, limiting their pool of opportunities. (Shimbori 230-233). Although these complaints seem to match the theme of youthful resistance that is present within this narrative and the coming-of-age genre as a whole, the novel takes a hostile view toward those that participated in the strike. Toru notes that the people who participated in the strike were hypocrites that were the first to come back to class as soon as riot police arrived. He even goes as far to say, “This world is a piece of shit. The arseholes are getting good marks and helping to create a society in their own disgusting image” (Murakami 58-59). This attitude surprisingly aligns with a historical analysis of the Zengakuren, stating that what most radicals really wanted was power and the ability to mobilize and act in the name of the entire student body (Sunada 458). Even so, the fact that their motivations weren’t explicitly political actually reveals a deeper problem in young people, in that they feel the need to rebel, and ignore the societal implications of joining political organizations like the Zengakuren.
The equivalent in the United States to this movement would be the protests and culture of the 1960s; however, parallels can be seen in today’s youth as well. In today’s America, there is unprecedented support toward socialist ideals. In a 2018 Gallup poll, it was reported that 51% of people aged 18-29 had a positive view of socialism, while only 45% had a positive view of capitalism (Newport). Despite mainstream American education leaning away from socialism, the youth have embraced it, most predominantly in the form of support for presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, an unapologetic democratic socialist.
The idea that men need to attach themselves to something, even controversial political movements, can be seen through Toru’s own ambitions and choices. Toru is studying Drama yet when asked, “You like plays?” by his roommate, he answers “Not especially.” “I could have picked anything. Ethnology, Asian history. I just happened to pick drama, that's all.” (Murakami 20) This idea that Toru isn’t really passionate about one thing and seems to be just floating along is a trait that makes him an “everyman” type protagonist. Though he seems to sometimes act like he has everything together, he’s seen for what he really is. Reiko, an older woman who has just met Toru, says to him, “You've got this funny way of talking. Don't tell me you're trying to imitate that boy in Catcher in the Rye?” (Murakami 120) He denies it, but it’s a rather accurate takeaway of his character, in that he is a phony who can’t express everything he’s really thinking and has a bit of an identity crisis. His emptiness is exemplified when he states, “I reached the conclusion that a university education was meaningless” (Murakami 59). This is a stark contrast to his positive view earlier in the book, where he says, “I was impressed by the variety of dreams and goals that life could offer” (Murakami 19). This hollowness found in men is also a result of stigma present in society found in the separate spheres theory, which states that men and women will face backlash and penalties when attempting to pursue careers that are considered to be a part of the opposite gender’s sphere (Miller & Borgida). This obligation to follow a narrow pathway toward a role they may not even want leaves many men disillusioned and adds fuel to fight against the gender roles that society has established.
Using the depressive and resentful feelings toward university life that Toru accumulates throughout the novel, Murakami is able to solidify him as an average figure that men can attach themselves to. Specifically, he is a representative of a group of Japanese men during this period who feel as though they are simply wandering through life, trying their best to act in a way that aligns with what is expected. These are men who don't have real goals or dreams, or if they do see them as unachievable. This is echoed in the feelings of many young American men who have also become downcast with dull worklife. They have come to the conclusion that the society they live in is not the meritocracy they’ve been led to believe it is, a reaction driven primarily from living in a country with severe income inequality and where the only way to do something about it is via civic engagement (Godfrey & Cherng).
This idea is further supported by the existence of the hikikomori phenomenon present in Japan, where it is estimated that up to 1 million men have begun to withdraw from society and shut themselves indoors. These men do not possess any type of mental disorder, yet refuse to attend school or hold down a job (Suwa & Suzuki). What this shows is the ongoing decadence occuring in Japanese society due to fear of the workforce and possessing a pessimistic outlook on the world, stemming from society’s ambivalence to their existence; a sentiment that as previously stated, is very present in American men, who could very well replicate this problem in the near future.
The novel also presents a look at the mindset of non-working class men through the character of Nagasawa, who appears as a somewhat antagonistic figure to contrast and oppose the ideas and values of the everyday man. Nagasawa is an elitist man willing to exploit the way society works for his own gain. His arrogance seems to originate from his wealthy background, but also stems from his interest in culture and literature, as seen when he befriends Toru because they both enjoy F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (Murakami 37). This cultural superiority demonstrates one of the problems that many students, including those that participated in the protests, felt about those that were more well off and had backgrounds similar to Nagasawa. He also has a lot of animosity toward people he deems as unfit, as seen when he says, “Haven't you noticed, Watanabe? You and I are the only real ones in this dorm. The other guys are crap.” (Murakami 38) His distaste for others, specifically the working class, is also seen when he says, “I look around me sometimes and I get sick to my stomach. Why the hell don't these bastards do something?” Toru responds that they are working hard, but gets a response back from Nagasawa saying, “That's not hard work. It's just manual labour.” (Murakami 242) This snobbish attitude highlights Nagasawa as a dissenting force toward the majority of men who are trying
their best, but still face opposition.
Class resentment from both sides can be found in American culture as well. America during the 1960s is well known for being a time of youthful rebellion against class and older generations that represented the status quo. While this type of struggle had always existed throughout history, the organized gathering in this capacity was not possible until this time period, where there were cultural icons, particularly in music, that the nation could all gravitate toward (Fraser et al. 77-78). Musical influence can also be seen many times in the novel, with the title itself, Norwegian Wood, being an allusion to a song by The Beatles, one of the most influential bands of all time who had a significant impact on 60s culture and beyond (Inglis). Musical influence toward rebellion can also be seen in university’s folk club, as the members were all attracted to folk due to it being seen as a suitable outlet for their socialist beliefs (Murakami 213). And of course, youthful revolt can be found even today, as evidenced by the previously mentioned staunch support exhibited by younger people for presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.
While the novel primarily focuses on the changing world that males face, it does dedicate a sizable portion to how women are affected by society and how they are reacting to it. Japanese women have historically been disenfranchised and relegated to domestic life away from men. Traditional customs of how women are expected to act, such as: taking care of children, performing mundane housework, and keeping up appearances for their husbands, can be traced back to the Meiji period during the late 19th century. Women had very little control over their destiny, and were systematically oppressed by laws that made divorce difficult. Though the laws have changed over the years and standards have been challenged, the effects of these traditions still linger in Japanese society (Ueno 75-79). These norms, while not one to one, can also be seen in American society, as ideas that a woman’s place was in the house were heavily promoted during the 1950s by both society and the government, and would also be defied during the 1960s (Lamb).
With these norms in mind, the novel looks at how they can be broken through the character of Midori, a young and rebellious woman who Toru meets at University. She is a woman who goes against the traditional norms of Japanese femininity, being described as having “extremely short hair” that “not one guy likes” (Murakami 61-62). While this is a minor part of her character, her appearance is meant to demonstrate that she is different, and tells the audience that she does not want to conform to traditional gender expectations. She is also much more comfortable with her sexuality than other women, talking about sex and other crude subjects with no shame and even enthusiasm. She even requests that Toru take her out to go see a pornographic film. (Murakami 220, 235). As a whole, her character represents a vision of a new woman in Japan, and is emblematic of the diminishing power that gender roles are having on women in this period.
Contrasting Midori’s breaking of norms, Naoko, Toru’s main love interest, exemplifies them. Quiet and fragile, she represents a standard for what women in society would normally strive to be like. Slim with long hair and a beautiful face, she tries hard to be the type of woman that people want to be around and is willing to blame herself when bad things happen to her. This is reflected in her letter to Toru, in which she states “You are not the one who hurt me. I myself am the one who did that.” (Murakami 53) Additionally, Naoko denies herself agency. Despite possessing the ability to go against gender roles, she still sees problems with the way she acts and tries to correct herself, saying things like “Girls my age never use the word ‘fair’... ‘Fair’ is a man's word” Murakami 102) She is also deprived of her own sexuality, evidenced when Toru states, “So perfect was Naoko's physical beauty now that it aroused nothing sexual in me” (Murakami 160). Though not as a sex object, Naoko is still very much objectified by Toru and others.
The gaze and expectation of others can also be thought to be what caused her mysterious illness and forced her to retreat away from the rest of society. This “illness” also serves as an important trait in how Naoko and her roommate Reiko, a talented pianist whose dreams and marriage were ruined by her psychological problems (Murakami 142, 194), are looked upon. The history of treatment in Japan toward mental illness and health in general is quite negative, as the general stigma toward it was that it was the duty of the patient themselves and their family to take care of the matter privately, and without the help of healthcare professionals (Desapriya & Nobutada). This is very similar to American stigma toward those who have mental illness, as they are often discriminated against in society and treated as unfortunate pains to deal with. Many cannot afford to get the treatment they need, and are instead encouraged to stay away from the outside world, which in turn only worsens their problems (Parcesepe & Leopoldo).
Taking this stigma into consideration, the way in which others perceive Naoko and Reiko can be seen in the place that they both stay, the Ami Hostel. This location is not viewed as a hospital, with Reiko stating, “It's not so much for treatment as for convalescence.” and that “people enter and leave voluntarily” (Murakami 116). This view of alternative medicine supports the previous idea that there is stigma toward ideas of professional treatment in Japan, and that the burden falls on the patients and their families to receive treatment; this viewpoint contributes to the continued lack of support given to patients and the ostracization that they go through. This can even be further interpreted to mean ostracization toward women, due to the fact that the only characters that are directly mentioned as having explicit illnesses are women.
Going back to how women perceive themselves, the concept of women’s virginity is another facet touched upon in the novel. The two central love interests, Naoko and Midori do not seem to really care about virginity. Naoko admits to Toru that she was willing to give her virginity to Kizuki, her highschool boyfriend (Murakami 135), and Midori clearly has no problems with sex in general. The only person that seems to remark on their virginity in any major way is Reiko, who marvels at the fact that she remained a virgin until she married at 25. (Murakami 145) Although Naoko represents a more traditional woman, the novel seems to look at sexuality in general as something that changes through generations, as Reiko is a much older woman than Naoko or Midori. Going further on this topic, it can be said that women are expected to be both sexy and pure, but this is a conflict for them as it’s impossible to possess both of these qualities. Because of this, it can be hypothesized that as women have been increasingly told these things and become more frustrated, their care for virginity has lowered (Scott et al. 219-220) This is also reflected in the media that people consume, as the prevalence of sexual topics in movies, music, and other platforms has increased and has been observed to have a significant impact on the way people view sex. This has opened the door for more mainstream sexual discussion within younger generations and shows off how women are changing traditional societal views (Ward).
Overall, what this novel reveals is the beginning of a large-scale shift in gendered norms in Japanese society for both men and women. And while this story might only denote how that change occurs in Japan, there is more than enough evidence to show that all of these events are plenty applicable to the changes that Americans and a greater audience are attempting, due to the problems that have arisen due to traditional societal expectations that were created by an older establishment that no longer represents them.
Works Cited
Desapriya, Ebr, and Iwase Nobutada. “Stigma of Mental Illness in Japan.” The Lancet, vol. 359,
no. 9320, 2002, p. 1866., doi:10.1016/s0140-6736(02)08698-1.
Fraser, Ronald, et al. 1968: a Student Generation in Revolt. Pantheon Books, 1988.
Godfrey, Erin B., and Hua-Yu Sebastian Cherng. “The Kids Are All Right? Income Inequality
and Civic Engagement among Our Nation’s Youth.” Journal of Youth and Adolescence, vol. 45, no. 11, 2016, pp. 2218–2232., doi:10.1007/s10964-016-0557-4.
Inglis, Ian. “The Beatles.” Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, 2013,
doi:10.1093/obo/9780199757824-0085.
Miller, Andrea L., and Eugene Borgida. “The Separate Spheres Model of Gendered Inequality.”
Plos One, vol. 11, no. 1, 2016, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0147315.
Murakami, Haruki, and Jay Rubin. Norwegian Wood. Harvill Press, 2001.
Newport, Frank. “Democrats More Positive About Socialism Than Capitalism.” Gallup.com,
Gallup, 2 Jan. 2020, news.gallup.com/poll/240725/democrats-positive-socialism-capitalism.aspx.
Parcesepe, Angela M., and Leopoldo J. Cabassa. “Public Stigma of Mental Illness in the United
States: A Systematic Literature Review.” Administration and Policy in Mental Health and Mental Health Services Research, vol. 40, no. 5, 2012, pp. 384–399., doi:10.1007/s10488-012-0430-z.
Scott, Bonnie Kime., et al. Women in Culture: an Intersectional Anthology for Gender and
Women's Studies. John Wiley & Sons, 2017.
Shimbori, Michiya. “Zengakuren: A Japanese Case Study of A Student Political Movement.”
Sociology of Education, vol. 37, no. 3, 1964, pp. 229–253. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2111956.
Sunada, Ichiro. “The Thought and Behavior of Zengakuren: Trends in the Japanese Student
Movement.” Asian Survey, vol. 9, no. 6, 1969, pp. 457–474. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2642436.
Suwa M., and Suzuki K. “The phenomenon of “hikikomori” (social withdrawal)
and the socio-cultural situation in Japan today.” Journal of Psychopathology. 19. 191-198.
Ueno, Chizuko. “The Position of Japanese Women Reconsidered.” Current Anthropology, vol.
28, no. 4, 1987, pp. S75–S84. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2743442.
Lamb, Vanessa Martins. “The 1950’s and the 1960’s and the American Woman : the transition
from the ”housewife” to the feminist. History.” 2011.
Ward, Lucretia Monique, et al. “Sexual Media Content and Effects.” Oxford Research
Encyclopedia of Communication, 2016, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.2.
Nice work! I read Norwegian Wood sometime this last year and wish I had been able to read your paper right after while the experience was fresh. Regarding Professor Hegeman's question below, the novel felt strangely apolitical even as it was very much focused on questions of affect and disillusionment, as you point out so well. It's also quite interesting that the novel has done so well in the States - the circulations of novels (and the politics of what does and doesn't get translated) are so interesting. Anyway, great work!
Michael, I really enjoyed this paper. It is both rich and ambitious. I am excited now to read Murakami's Norwegian Wood, which I haven't gotten to yet. You offer a couple of comparisons here -- between Japan and the US in the 1960s, and between Japan in the 1960s and the US today. I think your comparison between Japan and the US today is mostly to set up the idea of a generation gap. Your comparison between Japan in the 1960s and the US in the 1960s seems more historically substantial and it would be very interesting to think about it more. In particular, the comparison is marked by the US being the victor, and Japan being languished and larg…