by Marian Hernandez
I: Introduction
This essay will discuss and evaluate the how the development of Castro’s political influence in Cuba helped shape and transition the island from corruption and turmoil under the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista into a seemingly better nation. Fidel Castro was greatly influenced by the factors surrounding his early life into organizing a revolution and implementing his deeply-inspired ideology upon its triumph, as well as his revolutionary actions as he became more involved in politics and the influence of several previous advocates of revolution, such as Jose Martí and the Marxist-Leninist ideology. The extent to which his impact was positive will be investigated as his goals develop and as the economic and political situation in Cuba transitions over the course of Castro’s growth. The transitions of his life will be investigated as well as the way in which each event leads up to the other and eventually Castro is the main figure in leading the Cuban Revolution and transitioning the ideological stance of a nation.
II Castro’s Early Life:
Background
To being with, since the early life of the man who would bring a third-world country between two world superpowers in the 1960, there was evidence in Castro’s upbringing from where historians root his rebelling nature. Although his family had no grounds in politics or merely a political atmosphere, Castro didn’t let this stop him. His father, a Spanish immigrant raised his kids firmly and managed his household with a heavy hand, taking control over the savings he made from his years working in the American United Fruit Company ( Balfour, 22). His family owned the estate in the Mayarí region of Oriente, in a small village named Birán where his family gained wealth by the late 19th century. There was plenty of opportunity to witness the exploitation of lands and industry from American companies, which means Castro grew up with children of very diverse social backgrounds. This was his first experience of socialism, where everybody belonged to the same class, mostly poor, and this was the earliest influence in what would later shape an entire country’s structure. Historians argue the extent to which his lack of cultural indention impacted Castro, due to the fact that he didn’t belong to the lower working class of those he grew up around nor to the landowning elite, which his father ultimately became.
The situation he grew up in, where the social classes were clearly distinguishable based on the economic opportunities brought about by American investment and his lack of belonging to any, gave him the first notion of the need to change. These early experiences with social inequality made him develop a unique mind set, which is clearly reflected in his revolutionary path actions.
Castro’s Early Life: Education and Accomplishments
At the age of six, Fidel Castro was sent to be under the acre of his godparents while attending primary school in the same city. This is when acts of rebelliousness begin to impact his future and personality. Easily breaking the rules of the primary institution, Castro forced his family to make him a boarder. Leaving the domestic structure of a home changed Castro’s world, as he went on to the strict environments of Jesuit schools in the capital of Oriente, Santiago, and the capital of Cuba, Havana. Near the Sierra Maestra in Santiago where a big part of the Revolutionary war took place, young Castro practiced hunting with guns and developed the “Spartan Habits” he applied to Cuba approximately three decades later.
In October of 1945, at the age of 19, Castro enrolled at the Havana University, the center of political life in Cuba during most of the twentieth century, many graduates would go on to become part of the political elite. Unavoidably, Castro becomes involved in the political concentration of the University. An important fact to note is that Cuba was under the control of puppet cabinets and presidents backed by Fulgencio Batista. Opposition came from a part called the Autenticos who were middle class supporters formed by Cuban exiles in the United States and several others in the island. Two of the student-led groups that brought Castro into the political world directly were the Movimiento Socialista Revolucionario (Revolutionary Socialist Movement) and the Union Insurreccional Revolucionaria (Revolutionary Insurrectionary Union). The student movement was supported financially by the previously mentioned Autenticos who supported the MSR. Castro formed part of the RIU for some time and as he developed a nationalist view, he became a student activist, which put his life in danger in several instances (Balfour, 28). As he became a stronger nationalist, he was warned to keep off the University campus by the MSR toward the end of his first year as a result of his public criticism of the group. Castro’s decision of staying in the University, having to carry a gun around to protect himself from a situation which he later described as more dangerous than the guerrilla war in the Sierra ( Balfour, 29), marks the beginning of his strong intent into advancing in the world of politics as a radical nationalist.
Continuing in the path of radical nationalism and thanks to his growing reputation, Castro joined the Ortodoxos outside of the University. The Ortodoxos derived their name from their inspiration in the ideals of Jose Marti, which will be discussed later. Its leader, Eddy Chibás rooted in Castro a sense of patriotic and populist radicalism as the young politicians criticized the government (Balfour 32). Castro never came into full rejection of the hysteria against Communism that was spread by the Cold War, providing evidence of the formation of his political ideology.
Events outside of school and outside of the influence of the Ortodoxos provided Castro with direct experience of revolts against established governments. Before his graduation in 1950, he was involved in an attempt to overthrow the Dominican dictator Trujillo and in several revolutionary riots in Colombia, both events strengthening his opposition to constitution-based governments and serving as inspiration for his future planning in the Cuban Revolution. His political energy after returning to Cuba was concentrated in winning a seat as a Congressman with the support of the Ortodoxos (Sierra Jerry. A “Batista”). As he neared victory, Batista returned and proclaimed himself chief of state, pushing Castro to the final stage before he took on radical approaches in changing the political system in Cuba.
Castro as a politician following his educational years and involvement in national affairs
Furthermore, Castro’s inspiration lay in members of the Ortodoxos and the fact that his involvement with them led him to draw closer to Marxist-Leninist, which many describe as a significant variable that made him prone to Communist measures. Several of his fellow members mentioned that in spite of his unsophisticated ideology, Castro had become a political leader as he extracted ideas from Das Kapital by Karl Max, which outlines the ultimate goal of a successful and classless society (Balfour, 34), what Castro later made of Cuba, from an ideal standpoint.
At this point in his life, Fidel Castro was already in the path for a pronounced political career. As evident in his inspirations and his travels along with his devotion upon his return to Cuba, his ideology was already well-developed.
III Influences that led Castro to want to shape Cuba under Communist rule
In addition to the significance of his upbringings and the world of politics that he became involved in as his education continued, there are several factors that strongly influenced Castro to pursue Revolution and become more of a radical nationalist. These factors include the life of poet and revolutionary Jose Martí, the current economic and political corruption that Cubans faced under Batista, and the growth of Marxist and Leninist ideologies.
Jose Marti:
As mentioned before, Castro was politically inspired by the rising Socialists of the world, especially in Europe. However, there is one particular national leader who provided the gist of his domestic political outlook. José Martí was a political figure during the Cuban Independence War and until this day remains the national hero of the island. Castro admired his views on society and was deeply inspired, even intrigued, by his work. Jose Marti was born in Cuba, and though he lived part of his childhood in Spain, unlike Castro, he didn’t grow up surrounded by the things that would later inspire his career. His parents were financially challenged and upon their return to Cuba, lived in modest poverty. Martí didn’t receive much attention from his father, as explained in Jose Marti: La Libertad de Cuba, a biography written in spanish by Luisa Laviana Cuetos. In fact, his guide was Rafael Maria de Mendive who was a poet, journalist, and a professor. Mendive funded most of Martí’s education and helped him form his patriotic and nationalist ideology against his father’s wishes, who thought, “Alli fue donde me echaron a perder a Martí” (Cuetos, 15), menaing, “That’s where they ruined my son”, referring to his studies with Mendive and the unusual path his son was taking. Marti spent most of his life writing poetry, one of his most famous poems being “Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca”, which talks about friendship and honor, as well as several books, including La Muñeca Negra (The Black Doll), which addresses the racial inequality in Cuba during his times, as well as aiming to create a social change. Apart from his career in literature, Marti fought alongside Antonio Macio and Maximo Gomez in the War of Independence, defending the nationalist ideology present in his poetry and embodying the need for change described in his books (Cueto 42-43). The national hero died during a Spanish attack after “The Butcher," Valerian Weyler, was sent to Cuba to oppress revolutionaries and established concentration camps. Many argue that if Martí hadn’t died so soon, he would’ve become a great political leader, and possibly even President of Cuba. Martí, Gomez, and Maceo serve as a parallel to Castro, Guevara, and Cienfuegos in terms of their ideal goal. Guevara and Cienfuegos were two other revolutionaries that supported Castro during the Revolution. Martí’s indirect impact on Fidel Castro lies in the fact that Martí was a strong nationalist, an ideology that provided the basis for Castro’s path in developing Marxist and Leninist outlooks in the political society. After studying Marti’s work while he attended the University of Havana, Castro got a lot of his inspiration for future leadership (Jose Marti and Fidel Castro 2016). Many critics argue that Castro’s decision to nationalize Cuba completely and choose such a radical pathway for the country is based on his interpretation of Marti’s legacy and for the purpose of fulfilling the ideal goals Martí had for Cuba. The extent to which Marti intended his revolutionary thoughts and if he would agree with Castro’s radical decisions is uncertain. This issue may be generalized to other countries where the founding fathers and the martyrs might not have intended for certain future political actions to occur based on their legacy. As mentioned in the article “Jose Martí and Fidel Castro” by the International Committee, Castro’s words, ‘May the first law of the Republic be the respect of Cubans to the unconditional dignity of man, followed Martí’s will and idealized a moral nation.
Political Corruption
Another one of Castro’s major influences prior to the Revolution was the established economic and political corruption in Cuba under Batista. On September 8th 1933, Batista and a coup o sergeants overthrew the liberal government of Geraldo Machado and began a military influenced-government with himself as the Chief of the Military (Sierra Jerry A. 2015). In 1934, Batista agreed with U.S ambassador Benjamin Summer Wallace to mediate the differences between the governments. Since then until the 1940s Fulgencio Batista ran the government from the background with a series of puppet cabinets and presidents, this period marked the first three decades of corruption. Several members of of the Mafia, such as gangster Meyer Lansky and Lucky Luciano formed friendships and business relations with Batista, helping him kill off his enemies and political opponents. However, Batista faced a low popularity period when a different president was elected in 1944 (Sierra Jerry A. 2015). Yet, in 1952 Batista retook power, running for the Senate, in the same elections Castro was running with support from Los Ortodoxos, as previously mentioned. (Balfour 33).
Economic Corruption
As Eisenhower officially recognized the Cuban government, Batista ensured that Cuba became profitable for American business and organized crime, with Lanksy as the center of the gambling operations. Cuba also became an international drug port, essentially known as the “Latin Las Vegas”. Batista was successful in shutting down the Moncada Barracks Attacks, killing 59 rebels and putting others, including Castro in jail as well as signing cooperative contract with the U.S for infrastructure and economic cooperation. Cuba was basically drowning in economic corruption under Batista’s rule. Furthermore, Batista held mock elections in 1954, so confident in his power, he freed Castro in 1955 (Sierra Jerry A. 2015) The young lawyer resented the corruption under “Batista’s new constitutional code of 275 pages” (Hugh 1977) which made people fear the government for the lack of civil rights and the continuation of corruption, deviating in every aspect for the goals of Jose Marti and the independent effort of the founding fathers. Social opposition grew as strikes and anti-Batista protests by students and workers grew, to which Batista responded with a tightened grip on constitutional rights and police, many rebels were even tortured as the police patrolled the streets and arrested opponents of the government.
Ideology
After being freed from jail, rumors rose that Batista’s forces were looking to assassinate Castro, so he fled to Mexico, where his ideological beliefs would be put into actions and his aspirations into reality after having experienced the scope of Batista’s corruption. By now, Castro’s intentions of planning a Revolution were settled. By this point, his ideology was well formed, the purpose of overthrowing the unrest established by Batista was to from a classless society ruled by revolutionary professionals and those who understand the downside of class struggles, Castro would fully declare these political beliefs as Marxist-Leninist after the Revolution of 1961.
Overall, Martí, the current status of Cuba, and the impact of rising ideology made Castro fully aware of his goals. Being exile to Mexico was the last event before Castro decided to challenge Batista and establish a new rule over Cuba based on his ideal mindset.
IV: Castro’s Actions and their Impact
Beginning of the 26th of July Movement: Moncada Barracks Attack
As Castro marked in his revolutionary actions, with the assistance of his followers in the path to free Cuba from Batista, his ideologies, which he would proclaim later in 1961, were strengthened, and his goals pronounced. Starting with the idea and the actual fight of the Moncada Barracks at dawn on July 26th of 1953, the movement would ultimately end in the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. The initial attack was planned while Castro was still in Cuba, a young activist with revolutionary ideas, with the 132 men who aided him in his plan. The purpose of the armed attack for which Castro and his followers trained their few men, was to gain control of the facility and make use of its weapons and any communication equipment that would be useful to spread their anti-Batista message to the people of Cuba. Castro claimed that the government under Batista was an illegitimate one, as mentioned in The New Cuba: Paradoxes and Potentials. The effect of the Moncada attack on Castro was that, he faced death on an extremely close circumstance, he led more than 60 of his mean into an immediate death due to the fact that they were overwhelmingly outnumbered by the Batista-trained coup, but most importantly, this event strengthened Castro’s sense of mission (Hugh 58).
Exiled to Mexico: Continuation of the Movement and Working with Guevara
After approximately 22 months in prison, Castro was exiled to Mexico, where, starting in 1955, he put his developed rebelling ideas into action. With assistance from military leaders including a Korean War veteran with Cuban descent, Miguel Sanchez, the Cuba-Spaniard Alberto Bayo and a Cuban named Jose Smith, preparations to overthrow Batista began in that autumn of 1955 (Hugh 91). Upon several indirect attempts on Castro’s life, he resumed to a more isolated place in the farm known as Santa Rosa outside of Mexico City. Later that year, Castro met the previously mentioned Che Guevara, who became one of his allies and deeper inspirations. Guevara, a medical graduate from La Universidad de Buenos Aires, in Argentina, had traveled and had recently returned from Guatemala where he encouraged the Guatemalans to fight against the CIA forces (Guevara, 70) Upon being alleged of allying with Trujillo and several other dangerous military leaders, Castro and several trainees were arrested in Mexico, later freed under the conditioned that they left. It should be noted that by this time, he was eager to return to Cuba and end the Batista regime. Another of Castro’s supporters was the ex-president, Prío, now a fellow exile equally as willing to contribute to a revolution. With his financial support, Fidel Castro was able to purchase a 58-foot Yacht he was to arrive at Oriente with. Many of those who went on the Granma had had no time to be trained and some were unaware of their purpose. With little time given by the government in Mexico City, Castro had no opportunity to write a Manifesto, however he did write to fellow revolutionary Melba Hernandez on October 4th. Ironically, Castro stated “The Cuba Revolution will punish with a firm hand all acts of violence committed against the tyranny and will repudiate and repress all manifestations of ignoble vengeance inspired by hate or base passions'' (Hugh 106). The reason why this is ironic is because in contemporary history and until the day of his death in 2016, Castro oppressed those who like himself in the 50s, tried to better Cuba and end the dictatorship he committed to establish since the Triumph of the Revolution. “I am a Marxist and a Leninist and shall remain one until the day I die” (Radosh 201). Upon arriving in Cuba on December 3rd, War on the Sierra lasted from March to May of 1957. (Hugh (155). After a series of surprise attacks on government establishments and guerrilla plans, in December1958, some of the most crucial battles were won. Guevara led a series of victories in Sancti Spiritus and other cities in Las Villa, able to “cut the island in half then and there” (Hugh 238) as part of their military strategy. Also, on 22nd of December, Camilo Cienfuegos attacked the city of Yaguajay as Guevara moved toward Havana. The military strategy was a strong one, concentrating in the centre of the island rather than face Batista with no victories won. On December 31st, as guerrilla forces triumphed at the Battle of Santa Clara, Batista desperately took exile in the Dominican Republic. Word of Batista’s fall spread on the first day of 1959. Apart from the few Batista puppets from Batista’s cabinet and several of his political supporters, most of the Cuban people supported Castro’s actions because he had promised to bring freedom and democracy back to Cuba, as well as to end the ongoing corruption and crime found on every street of the island.
V: Triumph of the Revolution
Effects of the Triumph of the Revolution
The Cuban Revolution officially triumphed on January 1st, 1959. Upon Castro’s victory and after the deaths of Camilo Cienfuegos and Che Guevara, Cienfuegos died mysteriously in that same year, his body never found, and Guevara died in 1967 after pursuing a life of continuous revolutionary activity. Cuba changed politically, socially, and economically. One of Fidel’s most famous speeches was that of 1961, where he symbolically determined the future of Cuba for the next half a century. His pronounced ideology after half a decade of plotting and coming victorious out of a revolution and being influenced by countries and figures around the world such as Karl Marx in Italy and Lenin in the Soviet Union, was ready to lead a newly established government into a unique, not necessarily successful path.
Ideology
As Fidel declared his ideology in 1961, in the middle of the Cold War, President Kennedy became alarmed and the CIA led an invasion to kill Castro known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion later that year. Most of the men were Cuban exiles with every sense of determination to end the short lived victory of Castro, reflecting on the fact that not everyone supported the new government, paralleling similar issues with Batista. Upon failure and continued pressure between the United States and the Soviet Union, no further attempts were made. One year later, in 1962 the Cuban Missile Crisis marked the first time the world came close to nuclear war, and an even more detrimental effect in Cuba, where Russia was exercising more influence (Hugh 610).
Economy after the Revolution
However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s economy could no longer depend on it, and the island became weaker and poverty soon spread to the middle and lower classes as sugar and tobacco exports gradually decreased. Cuba was no longer significant to Soviet diplomatic relationships, (“Cuba- Russia Now and Then”). Furthermore, as time progressed, Castro isolated Cuba from globalization by placing an embargo on U.S trade and other countries, nationalizing production, and taking civil liberties away from the citizens. From experience, it is evident that the people in Cuba are oppressed in speech, press, and all the liberties an established government should protect.
VI : Concluding Statement
Castro’s early life, seeing the social differences among the classes and interacting with these gaps in society sparked something in him. Further on, as he moves away from his parents and attends several schools, he becomes more involved in the political world, already aware of the changes he wants to make. And finally, with the Revolution Castro’s shift in ideology from his childhood, to the Moncada Barracks attack, to the Cuban Revolution, and until the day of his death in 2016, shaped the country’s political, social, and economic aspects for longer than expected by historians. Castro’s restrictive foreign policies hinder globalization, his nationalized and command economy will provide room for no advance, and his oppressive government will not allow for free expression in the future. It was his ideological stances that led to these three measures due to the fact that these stances were in fact “ideal”, not proven practical by a half decade of quietly protested dictatorship.
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